For Latinos Coming of Age in Rural America, the Path to Adulthood Isn’t One-Size-Fits-All

 
A new study of Latino young adults in two rural U.S. communities finds that the transition to adulthood is shaped by work, relationships, family, and education, but unfolds in different ways¹. Many are juggling multiple roles at once, including jobs, school, and parenting, while still expressing an optimistic outlook on the future.

The research, led by Nicole Eisenberg of the University of Washington’s Social Development Research Group, draws on survey data from more than 300 Latino young people from two rural Midwestern towns. The researchers asked an open-ended question at the end of their survey, asking respondents to describe their life in their own words, focusing on relevant life events,  life changes or turning points, checking in with participants at ages 21 (in 2014) and 26 (in 2019).

The findings also show how a person’s experience of the transition into adulthood can vary by their immigrant generation—whether their parents were born abroad and when they came to the country.

Rural Latino young adults remain among the least-studied groups in developmental research, a population scholars have described as “hidden in plain sight” because they rarely appear in national datasets or academic papers. They sit at the intersection of overlapping structural inequities: living in communities with fewer institutional supports, from health care to higher education, while also facing the broader marginalization that accompanies being young and Latino in the United States. Research on rural young adults more broadly shows that navigating the transition to adulthood with fewer supports raises the stakes considerably.

Understanding how rural Latinos make this transition matters not just for these individuals, but for the communities they are reshaping. Latino in-migration has revitalized many small Midwestern towns, with incoming families driving local economic growth, keeping schools open, and sustaining businesses in areas that had been depopulating for decades.

Common Milestones, Different Timing

When asked to describe their lives, the young adults pointed to familiar markers of growing up: finding steady work, continuing education, forming relationships and starting families, and becoming financially independent. Some moved straight into the workforce, while others stayed in school or tried to balance both.

Many described shifting between these roles over time, reflecting what the researchers describe as a lack of any single “normative path” into adulthood. At age 21, about one-third were still enrolled in school, while a smaller share were working full time or had started families. By age 26, full-time employment and parenthood were more common.

They also described varying experiences based on their immigration generation, particularly in the timing of their education and workforce entry. Second-generation Latinos—born in the United States to immigrant parents—were more likely to be enrolled in school and to discuss education, particularly at age 21, while first-generation Latinos—born abroad—were more likely to be working full time and to emphasize jobs and financial responsibility. However, experiences varied widely within each generation.

Work and School Often Overlap

In the responses, work and school were among the most popular topics. Nearly half of the young adults brought up jobs—including job satisfaction, pay, and career aspirations—and about one-quarter mentioned school—including enrollment, degree progress, and barriers to graduation. Some described pausing their education to earn money, while others tried to keep up with classes while working one or more jobs.

“I work 2 jobs and go to school to get ahead.” — Third-generation female, age 21

“I’m a single mom full time student and full time employee.” — First-generation female, age 21

“I had to take a break from college to pay what I owed. I am about 2,300 away from getting my degree.” — Second-generation female, age 21

Women were more likely than men to be enrolled in school at age 21, while men were more likely to be employed full time at both age 21 and 26.

The Importance of Family Ties

As they moved into adulthood, many young Latinos described shifts in where and how they lived. Some moved out on their own or with partners; others stayed close to home or returned after time away.

But finances were a common concern. Participants wrote about paying bills, managing debt and striving for stability. In rural communities, homeownership and owning a car are important markers of economic self-sufficiency, the researchers said.

“Stressful mess as in money is a huge struggle, i have some credit card debt and thats what is really taking over but im working as much as i possibly can.” — Second-generation female, age 26

“I make alright money. I take care of a family of 5. I have my own home and 13 sheep with 1 goat.” — First-generation male, age 26

Managing Independence—and Money

Residents also described economic impacts, including job losses tied to business closures and higher travel costs as they ventured elsewhere to get what they needed. As one person put it, “There used to be quite a few businesses that supported the community, but most of them are gone or really pared down.” Spending shifted to neighboring towns as residents sought alternatives.

Limited transportation options compounded these effects. With sparse public transit and long distances between services, access to food, health care, and employment became more time-consuming and costly.

Optimism Alongside Challenge

In talking about their lives, some young people expressed stress, uncertainty, and regret. But positivity was more common—satisfaction, hopefulness, motivation to improve.

“My life is still a huge disappointment because I didn’t set out and accomplish any goals when I was younger. I’ve been working dead end jobs trying to get my life together and failing incredibly. But I’m still trying.” — Third-generation male, age 26

“I am happy with my life. I plan on enrolling in the community college next semester. And everything else is good.” — First-generation male, age 21

First-generation respondents were particularly likely to express positive feelings—a pattern the researchers hypothesize might be attributable to a “dual frame of reference,” comparing their lives in the United States favorably to conditions in their home countries.

The study’s authors point to several areas where targeted investment could help support young Latinos as they enter adulthood. Options include helping more first-generation Latinos access college and providing more flexible scheduling and financial aid for students who are parents. Also important is raising community awareness about available services, as Latino families are less likely than other groups to use public assistance programs like childcare subsidies, even when eligible.

Reference

1. Nicole Eisenberg et al. “A Window Into the Lives of Rural Latinx Young Adults: A Qualitative Study of Adult Roles and Transitions.” Journal of Community Psychology 53, no. 8 (2025): e70057.